Nov 6, 2017: Discussion with Dr. Jonathan Haidt NYU - YouTube
This wide-ranging interview by Jordan B Peterson of Jonathan Haidt contains fascinating and rich insights that are too many and too broad to even summarize here. Both Peterson and Haidt touch on moral foundations, differences in how conservatives and liberals see the world, tribalism, free speech, and so on. It's over 90 minutes long. Highly recommended!
Friday, November 17, 2017
Tuesday, November 7, 2017
Review of How To Think: A Survival Guide for a World at Odds by Alan Jacobs
I’ve read a number of books in the last few years that tell
us how we think we’re being objective but we’re actually hostage to a laundry
list of various biases, many of which influence us subconsciously. Daniel
Kahneman’s Thinking, Fast and Slow probably is the most influential of these
books based on how frequently it is cited in the other books. While Jacobs’ How
To Think tills some of the same ground there is a difference. Jacobs’ personal background
helps him see how biases influence how different groups of people perceive the
world and think about it. Why do I say this? Because he straddles two worlds.
He is an academic (teaches in the Honors Program at Baylor University) while
also being a Christian. This gives Jacobs a unique perspective where he can see
how different groups perceive each other.
When
I hear academics talk about Christians, I typically think, That’s not quite right. I don’t believe you understand the people you
think you’re disagreeing with. And when I listen to Christians talk about
academics I have precisely the same thought.
Jacobs differs from Kahneman and others by saying that
thinking involves much more than recognizing and fighting our inherent bias. He
believes:
[W]e
suffer from a settled determination to avoid thinking. Relatively few people want to think. Thinking troubles us;
thinking tires us. Thinking can force us out of familiar, comforting habits;
thinking can complicate our lives; thinking can set us at odds, or at least
complicate our relationships, with those we admire or love or follow. Who needs
thinking?
Here is Jacobs’ suggested first step how to address this taken
from his Can
Evangelicals and Academics Talk to Each Other? in The Wall Street Journal.
[T]here
is a first step that all of us can take in resisting the hold of our Inner
Rings and the reflex to push away our “repugnant cultural others.”
The Inner Ring that Jabobs refers to is from a C. S. Lewis
talk titled “The Inner Rings” which describes our fear of being left out of our
preferred social group, of being considered an outsider to the ingroup that we
want to belong to. Jacobs’ discussion uses his term “repugnant cultural other”
(or RCO) throughout his book. RCO captures how we tend to be repelled by those
who disagree with us in politics, religion, or issues such as gun control.
Or another way to summarize his approach is:
The
person who genuinely wants to think will have to develop strategies for
recognizing the subtlest of social pressures, confronting the pull of the
ingroup and disgust for the outgroup. The person who wants to think will have
to practice patience and master fear.
I do disagree somewhat with Jacobs’ explanation why some
people cast those who disagree with them as enemies worthy of being demonized
and even disposed of.
When
you believe that the brokenness of this world can be not just ameliorated but fixed, once and for all, then people who
don’t share your optimism, or who do share it but invest in a different system,
are adversaries of Utopia. … Whole classes of people can by this logic become
expendable – indeed, it can become the optimist’s perceived duty to eliminate the adversaries.
I wouldn’t label people who think this way necessarily as
optimists. I’d say they’re sadly lacking in objectivity. They’re not asking
themselves why people who disagree with them could possibly take that position.
I’ve seen this especially rampant here in Massachusetts among my liberal
friends, where I’ve chosen in some cases not to get into arguments. I know a
couple people who have quit talking to me simply because I disagreed with their
support for Hillary Clinton as president. Having said that, I’ve also seen
conservative, libertarian and Objectivist friends treat people who disagree
with them in a less than civil manner.
Jacobs describes how each group creates their own keywords
so that allies can easily understand each other while judging other people by
their use of these keywords. (It reminds me of Arnold Kling’s Three Languages
of Politics in which liberals talk in terms of oppressors and the oppressed,
conservatives cast debates in terms of barbarism versus civilization and
libertarians judge whether acts impede our freedom or coerce us.) As Jacobs
correctly says, “keywords have a tendency to become parasitic: they enter the
mind and displace thought.” After all, it’s easier to slap labels onto ideas we
agree or disagree with than it is to objectively consider them.
While Objectivists would agree with Jacobs’ overall
encouragement to think well I’m sure they will disagree with his position that
we don’t thinking independently. “Thinking is necessarily, thoroughly, and
wonderfully social. Everything you think is a response to what someone else has
thought and said.” Rand’s writings portrayed Howard Roark and John Galt as
heroically working and thinking in isolation, without the influence of others.
I’m sure we can find examples of people who indeed did heroically work out
their ideas in isolation. Based on the summary of ample psychological research
I’ve read in the books on how we think, I do believe we are swayed by how our
friends think and we tend to surround ourselves with people who tend to agree
with us. I agree with Jacobs and others (like Jonathan Haidt, author of The Righteous
Mind) that we are tribal in nature. However, I also believe that we can strive
for objectivity if we follow Jacobs’s advice such as “when faced with
provocation to respond to what someone has said, give it five minutes.” Or
“value learning over debating. Don’t ‘talk for victory.’ ”
Before I close let me say that Jacobs doesn’t say we should
never come to firm conclusions. “You simply can’t thrive in a state of constant
daily evaluation of the truth-conduciveness of your social world, any more than
a flowering plant can flourish if its owner digs up its root every morning to
see how it’s doing.”
I believe if you take the steps Jacobs puts in his final
chapter, The Thinking Person’s Checklist, you can still firmly hold and defend
your opinions while also accepting that people can disagree with you. You can
be secure in your beliefs without demonizing the other person.
At the beginning I said that I’ve read many books, not just
on how biases can affect us. For a number of these books after I finish them I sarcastically
ask, “Gee, how did the author shoehorn the contents of a three page article
into a 300 page book.” By that I mean the author took an idea that made a good
magazine article then expanded it into a book by adding filler and stories but
not much else. Jacobs’ book sets an example of how to do the opposite: how to
pack many ideas into a slim 156-page volume. His book could have been titled
How To Think -- and Write.
Labels:
communication,
contextual thinking,
objectivity
Thursday, September 21, 2017
More on the Fragile Generation
In my earlier post on the fragile generation the interview
has this quote from Jonathan Haidt.
In his forthcoming book Misguided
Minds: How Three Bad Ideas Are Leading Young People, Universities, and
Democracies Toward Failure, Haidt claims that certain ideas are impairing
students’ chances of success. Those ideas being: your feelings are always
right; what doesn’t kill you makes you weaker; and the world is divided into
good people and bad people. ‘If we can teach those three ideas to college
students’, he says, ‘we cannot guarantee they will fail, but we will minimise
their odds at success’.
I agree with Haidt about the first two ideas that the
current generation seems to believe. To me the first idea, that feelings are
always right, stems from the lack of teaching kids the ability to think
critically. Way back in the mid 1980s a friend and I designed and taught an
adult continuing education course on critical thinking. At that time we could
see that our adult students had never been exposed to thinking in a methodical,
logical way. It makes sense that if people don’t have even a rudimentary grasp
of logic and arguments they are subject to subconscious biases and to the push
of emotional reactions.
I’ve read a number of books over the last ten years that explore
how we form opinions and how we are unconsciously influenced by many biases. I
recall reading about one study in which some of the participants read a series
of words related to being elderly. When they were later given a series of
physical tasks to perform they completed them more slowly than the control
group that had not been exposed to those words!
As I explain it to people we like to think we’re being
detectives when we’re really lawyers. By that I mean a detective tries to find
out who committed a crime by objectively collecting and piecing together the evidence.
A lawyer, on the other hand, tries to build a case, either to defend their
client or to prosecute the defendant. The studies I’ve read about show that we
often come to a conclusion about an issue then go looking for confirming data.
We tend to ignore or discount data that doesn’t fit our conclusion.
I agree with Haidt with his identifying the second prevalent
idea that what doesn’t kill us makes us weaker. This idea seems to be rampant
among what some call the derisively call the “snowflake” generation. I think
this is tied to the first premise. That is, if you don’t have the tools to think
critically then we’re threatened by ideas with which we disagree.
My main objective is to touch on his third point: that the
world is divided into good people and bad people. I’m sure Haidt will explain
this more in his upcoming book and that he isn’t saying there are no evil
people. Being familiar with Haidt’s work, I believe he is saying that people
are too quick to lump those who disagree with them into the evil camp. I’ve
seen it happen many times where you’re demonized if you disagree with someone
politically. Liberals think conservatives are evil and vice versa. I’m not
saying everyone does this but a lot do. It has happened to me during the 2016
presidential election. A couple people have quit talking to my wife and me when
we disagreed with them.
I’m assuming Haidt would agree that there are some evil
people. The clearly obvious examples would be Hitler, Mao and Stalin or murderous
sociopaths. But these are extreme examples. In our daily lives we rarely deal
with people who are truly evil. They might buy into ideas or policies that we
believe ultimately hurt people. For instance, conservatives and libertarians
believe gun control disarms the poor who might live in high crime areas.
Liberals believe gun control protects us from those who, in the liberal’s eyes,
can too easily obtain guns. Conservatives and libertarians think welfare
benefits eat away at the incentive for people to find work while liberals think
welfare is needed to compensate for the victims of an economy rigged in favor
of the rich and powerful. Neither side in these debates are necessarily evil.
But I’ve seen it happen too often where you get slapped with the evil label for
disagreeing! I assume Haidt’s book will delve into this in much more detail.
Before closing I’d recommend using something called steel
manning and taking the ideological
Turing test. Steel manning is opposite of a straw man argument which involves
distorting what an opponent is saying then refuting it while the original
argument wasn’t really addressed. Steel manning means we take the opposite
approach of the straw man argument: you try to strengthen the argument of the
other side before trying to refute it. To do this means applying what
has been called the Turing ideological test where you try to state the argument
of the other side as fairly as possible, as if you actually are taking that
stand, then addressing it. I think if more people tried to do this we would
have more civil and productive disagreements.
Both steel manning and the ideological Turing test take a
lot of work! It means trying to think like your opponent then coming up with
your response. Unfortunately, we tend to take the easy way out. Haidt has said
in his earlier work that humans are still fundamentally tribal in nature. Once
we form an allegiance to a tribe we talk the language of our tribe (see Arnold
Kling’s The Three Languages of Politics) and look at the other tribe as the
“enemy.”
Saturday, September 9, 2017
The fragile generation - Jonathan Haidt Interview
The fragile generation | Books & Essays | spiked
This is an excellent interview of Jonathan Haidt on the idea recently floated that it's OK to prevent certain people from speaking in public because their ideas are considered offensive and a form of violence.
Here is a summary that appears at the end.
https://www.theatlantic.com/education/archive/2017/07/why-its-a-bad-idea-to-tell-students-words-are-violence/533970/
This is an excellent interview of Jonathan Haidt on the idea recently floated that it's OK to prevent certain people from speaking in public because their ideas are considered offensive and a form of violence.
Here is a summary that appears at the end.
Here is an article from The Atlantic as well.In his forthcoming book Misguided Minds: How Three Bad Ideas Are Leading Young People, Universities, and Democracies Toward Failure, Haidt claims that certain ideas are impairing students’ chances of success. Those ideas being: your feelings are always right; what doesn’t kill you makes you weaker; and the world is divided into good people and bad people. ‘If we can teach those three ideas to college students’, he says, ‘we cannot guarantee they will fail, but we will minimise their odds at success’.So how can we resolve the problem of vulnerability among young Americans? Haidt says part of the solution must begin in childhood and will require parents to give their children daily periods of ‘unsupervised time’. ‘We have to accept the fact that in that unsupervised time there will be name-calling, conflict and exclusion. And while it’s painful for parents to accept this, in the long-run it will give them children that are not suffering from such high rates of anxiety and depression.’As for university students, Haidt references a recent quote from CNN commentator Van Jones. Jones said: ‘I don’t want you to be safe, ideologically.’ Building on this, he says universities should help students develop their ‘anti-fragility’.‘We need to focus on preparing students to encounter intellectual and ideological diversity. We need to prepare them for civil disagreements. We need to be very mindful of mental illness, but otherwise need to minimise the role of adult supervision in their lives. College is a major opportunity, once they have left home, for them to develop anti-fragility and we must not deprive them of that learning opportunity.’
https://www.theatlantic.com/education/archive/2017/07/why-its-a-bad-idea-to-tell-students-words-are-violence/533970/
Wednesday, July 26, 2017
What's Worse Than Thieves? Thieving Police - Bloomberg: Applying the Three Languages of Politics Model
What's Worse Than Thieves? Thieving Police - Bloomberg
This article by Megan McArdle looks at civil asset forfeiture through Arnold Kling's Three Languages of Politics model. (For an explanation of civil asset forfeiture, here is what Wikipedia has: "Civil forfeiture in the United States, also called civil asset forfeiture or civil judicial forfeiture or occasionally civil seizure, is a controversial legal process in which law enforcement officers take assets from persons suspected of involvement with crime or illegal activity without necessarily charging the owners with wrongdoing.")
Anyway, this is a nice application of Kling's model (which Kling apparently supports because he posted a link to McArdle's article on his blog).
This article by Megan McArdle looks at civil asset forfeiture through Arnold Kling's Three Languages of Politics model. (For an explanation of civil asset forfeiture, here is what Wikipedia has: "Civil forfeiture in the United States, also called civil asset forfeiture or civil judicial forfeiture or occasionally civil seizure, is a controversial legal process in which law enforcement officers take assets from persons suspected of involvement with crime or illegal activity without necessarily charging the owners with wrongdoing.")
Anyway, this is a nice application of Kling's model (which Kling apparently supports because he posted a link to McArdle's article on his blog).
Wednesday, May 31, 2017
The revolt of the public and the “age of post-truth” | the fifth wave
The revolt of the public and the “age of post-truth” | the fifth wave
I found this essay to be rich and highly thought-provoking. It talks about the nature of narratives, the relationship between the elite and the public and the political battles over what constitutes the truth.
I found this essay to be rich and highly thought-provoking. It talks about the nature of narratives, the relationship between the elite and the public and the political battles over what constitutes the truth.
Thursday, April 20, 2017
Ways to Burst Your Filter Bubble - Bloomberg View
Tyler Cowen offers some ideas for how we can overcome confirmation bias, "the tendency to search for, interpret, favor, and recall information in a way that confirms one's preexisting beliefs or hypotheses" per Wikipedia.
Cowen introduces the subject as follows:
Often readers send requests, and last week I was asked for “Good Rules to Avoid the Filter Bubble.” My correspondent meant, how to avoid reading too many of the people he agreed with, maintaining a balanced perspective in a time of increasing polarization. Of course, a “balanced” perspective isn’t always a more correct one (sometimes one side really does have more truth on its side). But still it seems valuable to understand the views of others, and to keep in mind the limitations of one’s own.The sad thing is, this isn’t as easy as it might sound.
He offers several suggestions. My
personal favorite is the ideological Turing test in which "you could write out the views of a Trump or Clinton
supporter, or of some other point of view contrary to your own, in a way that
would be indistinguishable from the writings of supporters." I also rely
on Arnold Kling's Three Languages of Politics because I think his model helps
identify the main focus liberals, conservatives and libertarians use when expressing
and defending their positions. (Quick summary. Liberals talk about the
oppressed/oppressors. Conservatives refer to civilization vs. barbarism while
libertarians see things in terms of rights versus coercion.)
For a more detailed analysis of confirmation bias and other factors that affect our ability to be objective check out Why Facts Don't Change Our Minds by Elizabeth Kolbert in The New Yorker.
Thursday, March 2, 2017
Interesting Oscars Comment: Related to Kling’s Three Languages of Politics
I’ve written a number of times about Arnold Kling’s The
Three Languages of Politics. Basically he says that each of the three main
political groups in the U.S. prefer to use a language that centers on an axis.
Liberals talk about the oppressors vs. the oppressed. Conservatives worry about
the effects of barbarism on civilization. Libertarians coach their positions in
terms of freedom versus coercion.
With this as background a comment was made during the
acceptance speech for best movie at the Oscars by Marc Platt, a “La La Land”
producer. His comment was lost in the drama that unfolded shortly after he made
this comment due to the award being given to the wrong film. I don’t know if
Platt is familiar with Kling’s book. (Probably not.) Or if he was trying to
appeal to conservative in his phrasing. (Also probably not.) But I found his
statement a potential use of Kling’s ideas to express an idea that could span
the two groups, liberal and conservatives.
Here is what he said with the key text highlighted: “Here’s
to the fools who made me dream: my uncle Gary Platt; my mentor, Sam Cohn; my
parents; my children; my wife Julie, on whose shoulders I’ve stood for 40 years
because she insisted I reach for the stars. And to the Hollywood community that
I’m so proud to be a part of. And to the Hollywood and the hearts and minds of
people everywhere, repression is the
enemy of civilization. So keep dreaming, because the dreams we dream today
will provide the love, the compassion and the humanity that will narrate the
stories of our lives tomorrow.”
I know he uses repression rather than oppression but I think
the terms are close enough. Oppression involves keeping a person or a group of
persons down while repression deals with the ability to express oneself. In any
case, I find it interesting how Platt starts off with the liberal’s preferred
term of repression to tie it to a conservative’s preference for civilization.
I’m sure Platt would argue that a “civilized” world needs to allow freedom of
expression, not the traditions conservatives want to protect such as religion.
What about the libertarians? They probably would say that
the best way to prevent repression and protect civilization is by protecting
individual rights.
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